The primary resources below have all been transcribed from
originals in the collections of the American Antiquarian Society. A few of
the texts below are linked to images of the artifact.
Transcriptions do not include words that have
been crossed out in the manuscripts, but spelling and
punctuation
have been left uncorrected in an attempt to provide as
accurate
a record as possible. A bracketed question mark [?]
will mark those places where it has been impossible to
decipher
a word in the original.
Some of the materials on this site are racially offensive.
They are included in this project not simply as a way of documenting a
critical moment of American history but also to invite visitors to explore
the meanings of a period that continues to have reverberations for our
culture even today.
Note: Most of the letters below were
written by freedmen's teachers Lucy and Sarah Chase, Jane Briggs Smith,
and Gertrude Allen. The letters of the Chase sisters were usually sent to
their supporters, while Jane Briggs Smith wrote primarily to her future
husband and Gertrude Allen corresponded with her family.
Lucy Chase , January 29,
1863--A long and very descriptive letter
containing many stories of her own responsibilities and of
how housing,
work, and the distribution of clothing are organized. She
also tells
of many first-person encounters with the freedpeople
touching on
such topics as freedom, education, religion, work, life
among the Custis slaves, and what slaves
were told by plantation owners about northerners.
Lucy Chase, February 7,
1863--Lucy opens "I am rejoicing with
the happy negro in his greed for letters," and goes on
to describe
her attempts to address the educational and practical needs
of the
freedpeople. Also describes reactions to new circumstances
of a
"poor white" as well as former house servants; she
also
discusses marriage relationships among the freedpeople.
Expresses great
enthusiasm for her work, exclaiming: "To be in at the
birth!
is it not something to rejoice in?"
Lucy Chase, June 13
1863--Describes the local homes, her own quarters, and the response of
blacks and whites to her work.
Lucy Chase to Her
Family, Craney Island, VA., Sept. 30, 1863 --Lucy offers
an
account of the move of a freedmen's camp, commenting on both
the
enthusiasm of the people and their difficult circumstances
She emphasizes
their passion for learning and love for their families and
reports
on a touching reunion.
John Oliver to C. B.
Wilder, September
22, 1863--The head of "an employment office for
colored
persons" offers to find homes and positions in
Philadelphia
for freedmen who had taken refuge at Fortress Monroe.
Rebecca B.
Spring to Lucy Chase,
November 22, 1863--Expresses her belief that "the
wrath
and wickedness of man is becoming the glory of God in the
freedom
of his long suffering devoted people who in the times of
tribulation
ever trusted in him." Also comments "I do not
wonder
at the quickness with which they learn to read" and
goes
on to tell of how she helped an African-American
washerwoman learn
to read the Bible.
Lucy Chase to Anna
Lowell, Norfolk, VA, November 29, 1863--Lucy
congratulates Anna
Lowell on the inauguration of the United States Commission
for the
Relief of National Freedmen, which was formed from the
merger of
the New England Freedmen's Aid Society with the Boston, New
York,
Philadelphia, Cincinnati, and Chicago aid societies. Reports
on
her work and says "We want everything! At all times!
And in
all quantities!"
Sarah R. May to
Sarah Chase, March 18, [1863?]--Reassures Sarah of the
importance
of her work and letters, saying: " It is a great thing
to have
these laborers at a distance brought into such an intimate
knowledge
of the daily lives of these poor, long-neglected beings
& you
cannot do better than let us hear from them in their own
simple,
earnest words." Also reports on money raised at a fair
and
the contents of a barrel of supplies being sent.
Angela
Fiducia to Lucy and
Sarah Chase, 1864--Praises Lucy's and Sarah's work in
the south
in religious terms. (Written by a woman who would later
serve as
a freedmen's teacher.)
Mrs.
Lewis Tappan to Sarah or
Lucy Chase, New York, February 13, 1864 --Speculates
about methods
of promoting a "new field of benevolent action, and one
certainly
of great importance:" the education of white children
in the
South. Also mentions Beecher's suggestion that he would
eventually
lecture in the slave states.
Lucy Chase, July
1, 1864 [to members of a freedman's aid society)]--Lucy
stresses the distinction between charity and self-help,
urging people
to "leave them [the freedmen] alone." She also
tells a
number of moving stories related to the difference between
marriage
under slavery and in freedom, describes the religious
practices
of the freedpeople, and comments on the good treatment
received
by African-American soldiers in the hospital.
Sarah Chase
to Fred W. G. May,
Norfolk, Virginia, January 23, 1865--Sarah promises to
take
notes on her conversations with the freedmen so that she can
transcribe
accurate accounts in her reports. The letter includes
several poignant
stories about women's reactions to the loss of their
children and
of life under slavery; it closes with the lyrics of a
spiritual.
[Rev.] Seth Sweetser
to Lucy or Sarah Chase,
February 20, 1865--Responds to request for assistance
with suggestion
that some help might be forthcoming but the explanation that
"the
calls for work and charity are so numerous, and the objects
presented
[?] in such rapid succession that it is very difficult to
meet all
the demands."
Rebecca B.
Spring to Lucy and Sarah
Chase, February 26, 1865--Describes the event she held
to raise
funds for the freedmen and the positive effects it had on
the residents
of the house. Spring tells of responding to a man who did
not share
her beliefs about the freedmen by saying: "Nobody wants
you
to marry them!" She comments to the Chase sisters:
"I
think people who have hardly looked at this thing at all as
a matter
of justice, have rather an idea that freedom will bring
social equality
in some way different from what we have in other cases of
the laboring
people around us."
Hannah E.
Stevenson to Lucy and Sarah
Chase, 1860's--The Chase sister's contact at the New
England
Educational Commission suggests that if they wish to teach
on the
front lines in Richmond rather than in "one of those
cities
already pre-occupied," they could transfer their
services to
the Society of Friends, which sponsored a school there.
Gertrude Allen, Charleston, April and
May, 1865--Gertrude Allen was only sixteen when she accompanied her
uncle, who had been assigned by the New England Freedmen's Aid
Association, to serve as a supervisor of schools in Charleston, South
Carolina. In these light-hearted letters to her parents, Gertrude
describes her adventures on her journey south as well as her living
conditions and experiences teaching in a freedmen's school. Unfortunately,
only two months after leaving home Gertrude fell ill and died. Her mother
subsequently transcribed her letters into a notebook which also contains
published accounts of Gertrude's death and funeral. The notebook is in
the collections of the American Antiquarian Society
Lucy Chase to Anna
Lowell, Richmond, VA, April 20, 1865--Written on the
reverse
of a blank bill of sale for a slave, probably taken by Lucy
Chase
from offices of Dickinson & Brother, slave auctioneers,
in this
letter Lucy describes opening a school in the 1st African
church
which drew more than 1,000 children and 75 adults the first
day.
She also complains: "The rebel prisoners and citizens
are fattening
upon our choice stores of food. . ."
Sarah Chase to
Sarah R. May, Norfolk, VA, May 25, 1865--Expresses the
fear
that "the negro will suffer more in this coming year of
peace
than in any he has during the war." Explains: "I
had the
satisfaction of lowering rents, restoring property, and
adjusting
difficultys in several cases, but many colored people have
bought
property without having taken any papers—and there is
no way
of getting it back from the whites who have taken it. Tells
the
story of "Aunt Aggie" to illustrate the problems
faced
by the former slaves. This same story also appeared as "The
Story of Aggie Peters," in the Worcester Daily
Spy
and reprinted in unidentified newspaper, in
1865.
Charles
A. Raymond to Lucy
Chase, Fort Monroe, VA, May 26, 1865--Jokes that he is
surprised
that Lucy has not abandoned "everything pertaining to
the White
persuasion in the way of poverty and ignorance." A
note--apparently
penned at a later date as subject heading--labels the letter
"L's
'White' work."
[Rev.] Mr. Richardson to
Lucy or Sarah Chase, June, 1865--Says that the city of
Worcester,
Massachusetts and the "National Union Commission"
are
busy aiding "poor whites" and suggests that he
could take
up a special collection to meet her request for aid. As
Richardson
also directs the recipient to submit a request to the
"Union
Commission," it is possible that the plea focused on
the needs
of southern whites.
Jane Briggs Smith
to William Fuller Fiske, Hilton Head, S. C., June 25,
1865--Jane
describes her duties, her pupils, her perception that black
men
are superior to black women, her belief in the importance of
giving
the franchise to the former slaves, and her wish that there
were
more religious "free-thinkers" since "most
people
do not think at all."
Jane Briggs
Smith to William Fuller
Fiske, Hilton Head, S. C., August 10, 1865--Comments on
the
importance of writing letters: "I know that to many of
my acquaintance,
a here, written by me whom they know of things which I know,
will
have far greater effect in "stirring them up" upon
the
negro question than a pamphlet written by a stranger, with
infinitely
more power." Also argues that "educated blacks are
. .
. invariably good citizens."
Jane Briggs
Smith to William Fuller
Fiske, Port Royal, S. C., December 20, 1865--Tells
"friend
Fisk" (her future husband), not to worry about the
quality
of his letters. "I feel more honored, by far, to
receive the
genuine outpourings of another heart--just as it
comes--perhaps
turbid, perhaps clear, but at least no counterfeit. 'The
highest
compact man can make with his fellows is: Let there be
truth
between us two forevermore.'"
L. Nelson to Sarah
Chase, March 9, 1865--Describes
the plans adopted by the "Freedmen's Relief
Society" to
which she belongs for dispersing the funds collected at
their fair,
and asks Lucy's advice on the matter.
Hannah E. Stevenson
to Lucy and Sarah Chase, May 12, 1865--Expresses her
appreciation
of Lucy's and Sarah's letters from Richmond, and her belief
that
despite the fact that the editors of the Freedmen's Record
"fancy
that things written here will be more acceptable than our
Teachers'
letters; . . . we Ladies of this Com. believe that people at
home
cannot make the Record so interesting as those who are
living the
history of the work, it is intended to recommend."
Sarah Chase to Sarah
R. May, Columbus, GA, February 5, 1866--Sarah reports on
her
schools in Savannah and Columbus, and persecution of Union
supporters
by Confederate sympathizers, observing " I can more
easily
conceive of the Lion and Lambs lying down together, than of
a union
of the North and South." Yet, she also confesses
"No mortal
is happier than I am in my work; and my success is fairly
intoxicating."
Sarah
Chase to Fred W. G.
May, Charleston, S. C., March, probably 1866--Tells of
visiting
the homes of her students, reading and writing letters to
help reunite
freedpeople with their families, churches supported by
African-Americans,
and efforts of freedpeople to support themselves. Speaks
with approval
of the Oberlin-bound students she heard examined in Latin
and with
concern of plans for colonization in Florida.
Lucy Chase to Fred
W. G. May, Charleston, S. C., March, 1866--Describes the
evening
classes of "moral young men," a "colored
meeting"
to discuss politics, and a large gathering of
African-Americans
on the Citadel Green which unanimously adopted the
Republican platform
after hearing speakers which included black ministers. The
letter
records the comments of one of the ministers, Solon
Robinson, and
concludes: "Men of intellectual force, of determined
persistent
effort are not wanting, here and elsewhere, in the Southern
states,
to hold firmly what Congress grants them, and to lead their
people
from the pitfalls the Southern whites may dig for
them."
Sarah Chase to Fred
W. G. May, April 2, 1866--Sarah explains her concerns
about
using freedmen's societies to aid the whites, reports how a
slave
was shot on a local plantation for asking to be treated as a
"man,"
and describes attempts to band freedpeople together to
support a
hospital.
Sarah Chase, May
1866--Note written in margin of letter explains:
"Sarah
E. Chase, Columbus, Geo May 21, 1866. The paper cut
off was
Miss Chases's Receipt of our Treasurers of Ten
dollars—she
goes on to show how it was spent." Sarah also comments
once
again on her "white position," i.e., her
opposition to
using resources of freedmen's organizations to provide
education
for whites.
Jane Briggs Smith
to William Fuller Fisk, September 8, 1866
(Excerpt)--Jane
expresses her commitment to returning South, the delay
caused by
yellow fever and cholera, and her dismay over Johnson's
presidency.
"What a man to be Abraham Lincoln's successor! What a
spectacle
for the world to laugh at--the Chief Magistrate of such a
nation
as ours going about making speeches in such a style! As if
it were
not enough for him to act the enemy of the public good, he
must
make the whole country ridiculous."
Sarah Chase to Fred
W. May, Nov. 1, 1866--Recovering from the effects of a
shipwreck
suffered while she and Lucy were traveling to Charleston to
take
up their posts for the winter, Sarah refuses the money
offered to
help her replace the possessions lost in the wreck,
insisting that
she could earn a salary if she needed one. Posing the
question of
whether it would be more useful to the freedmen to work
elsewhere
and use the money to send someone in her place, she
concludes "that
a truly interested person can accomplish more
directly than
through any agent."
Jane Briggs Smith
to William Fuller Fisk, November 29, 1866--Jane
describes
the teachers' house, the "poor blind girl who has had
rheumatic
fever till her limbs are all drawn out of shape" who is
her
"pet" pupil, the hospitality of the black families
she
visits, and her joy that she will be included in the
communion during
the visit of a minister even though she is a
"free-thinker."
Sarah Chase, (probably
to Fred W. May) Charleston, South Carolina, December 7,
1866--Confides
that she had feared she would not be strong enough to do the
work
and writes with delight: "as soon as I laid my hand to
the
plow--strength came: and I anticipate a good
season--May
the Good God bless my undertakings!" Also describes
challenge
of keeping order among 215 students accustomed to being
ruled by
physical punishment.
(Mrs.)
A. Y. Pillsbury to
Lucy Chase, 1867?--Responds to the question whether
"any
laws exist in any state prejudicial to the colored
man?" J.
Pillsbury served as Gen. Supt. of Freedmen at Charleston;
his wife,
A. Y. Pillsbury Pillsbury was the matron of the Shaw Colored
Orphan
Asylum in that city. In her memoir, "From a New England
Woman's
Diary in Dixie, 1865," freedmen's teacher Mary Ames
recalled
meeting the Pillsburys' upon her arrival in Charleston:
Arriving at Charleston early in the
morning, we
were taken to Mr. Redpath's office. He being absent, Mr.
Pillsbury,
of Massachusetts, came to meet us. He gave us a most
cordial greeting.
Emily, weary, discouraged, and homesick, threw herself
sobbing
into his arms, saying, "Oh! sir, have you a
wife?" At
once, he took in the situation, called an ambulance, and
put us
in charge of a sergeant with a note to his wife. Mrs.
Pillsbury,
a lovely, motherly woman, took us in and made us
comfortable.
They were living in one of the most elegant mansions in
Charleston;
the furniture, pictures, and ornaments were all as their
owner
had left them. The garden was a delight; I never saw finer
roses.
Jane Briggs
Smith to William
Fuller Fisk, February 13, 1867--Describes gifts from her
students
and letters to and from a "love-lorn swain" one
teacher
wrote and read on behalf of a "sooty damsel." Also
describes
her impatience with the complaint of the white former
officer of
a black unit that "In ten years more the blacks will
be the educated class at this rate" and that a black
president
was imminent.
Jane Briggs
Smith to William
Fuller Fisk, March 1, 1867 --"It is not quite five
months
since I left Massachusetts, and in that time I have written
one
hundred and eighty-six letters, according to an account I
have been
foolish enough to keep, addressed to forty different
persons. To
you and my mother I have written every week--can more be
expected?"
Also describes how Southern reactions are changing over
time: "You
can hardly conceive the change which six months has wrought
in making
possible such an incident as that. The negro is a power in
the land;
the government is not quite effete; the teachers have an
acknowledged
position. Yet some barbarisms of prejudice remain to be
overcome,
particularly among the women."
Jane Briggs
Smith to William
Fuller Fisk, March 14, 1867--Explains why she wants to
die even
though, "once I thought such a life as I am in now
would be
so glorious that I should feel so sensibly that I was
working with
God, that I should be longing to live forever." Also
describes
her vision of an afterlife. At the end of the letter she
comments
on "the utter poverty of the South."
Sarah Chase to
Fred W. May, Charleston, South Carolina, March 22,
1867--Characterizes
reactions of whites and blacks to the prospect of the
freedmen voting,
describes the night school for adults and the students'
reaction
to a discussion of moral questions, and concludes: "Oh
these
are glorious days--! And I thank God that I live in
them--How grand
it is to see a great Nation struggling for principles rather
than
power or wealth! as I read the earnest faces, listen to the
glowing
words or answer the eager questionings of these men--I feel
that
I am witnessing the birth of a great nation."
Jane Briggs
Smith to William
Fuller Fisk, May 5, 1867--"Last Friday at
Lynchburg--twentyfive
miles from here--a chivalric Southron deliberately shot a
colored
minister named Lynas M'Cloud, who had won the hatred of the
Southrons
generally by his boldness in telling the freedmen of their
rights."
Jane Briggs
Smith to William
Fuller Fisk, May 31, 1867--Gives an account of a visit
to Lynchburg,
the hostile reaction of the white citizens to members of
their group,
and the delegation of freed people who welcomed them home
after
their two-day absence. The letter also includes a discussion
of
rumors that Southerners who received government
distributions of
corn had traded it for whiskey, the elimination of
segregated transportation,
the agricultural and economic problems faced by plantation
owners,
and the scarcity and costliness of educational opportunities
for
Southern whites.
Jane Briggs
Smith to William
Fuller Fisk, June 10, 1867--Describes formation of the
Union
league and the fact that women are not admitted. Comments
negatively
on the need to write letters on behalf of the freedmen and
also
makes a negative remark about black ministers: "You
don't know
what a pleasure there is in listening to an intelligent
'white'
sermon now and then, after the darky trash to which I am
forced
to lend an unwilling ear, week after week, for the sake of
example."
She explains her own "ultra" religious beliefs and
the
reason she does not belong to a church. Finally, she speaks
of an
upcoming mass meeting of the "Union Republican
Party"
with one white and one black speaker.
Sarah Chase
to Fred W. May, Philadelphia,
July 11, 1867--Expresses her disappointment both that
illness
had prevented her from participating in the
"reunion"
at the festival held by the New England Educational
Association,
and that she had not "staid a little longer with my
people--after
our schools were closed, to look after the improvement
clubs, societies
etc."
Jane Briggs
Smith to William
Fuller Fisk, July 25, 1867--Speaks of new regiment in
town and
of rumors being spread about her character. "They are
so angry
because I take so much part in the affairs of state, &
advise
the people so much in political matters, that they take
every means
in their power to vent their spite. They seem bound now to
drive
me away, but they won't do it--not yet."
Jane Briggs Smith
to William Fuller Fisk, September 13, 1867--Complains
about Andrew Johnson's "Amnesty Proclamation" but
comforts
herself with the thought that the black citizens of the town
will
protect her from any threats by rebel whites. Jane also
describes
local prices, gifts of food she receives, and her feelings
towards
her students. "I think them just as cunning as white
children,
and have not the slightest objection to have them hang about
my
chair and play with my watch or hair if they like
to."
Jane Briggs Smith
to William Fuller Fisk, November 11, 1867--Looks
forward
to finding out if she will move to a different posting and
also
to the upcoming election. " I shall be glad when it is
fairly
over, and we get going again. I do so hope for a Republican
victory,
and yet the chances are only about even, taking all things
into consideration.
Our candidates for Convention here are F. J. Moses Jr.
representation
of one of the first families in the state, an Irishman, a
colored
Northerner, and a young man who was formerly F. J. Moses's
slave.
Is not that a fair representative ticket?"
Jane Briggs Smith
to William Fuller Fisk, November 22, 1867--Discusses
temperance, female orator Anna Dickenson, and recent
election results,
reporting: "the whites showed great apathy, not more
than three
or four voting at all. They affect to regard the whole thing
as
unconstitutional . . ."
Jane Briggs
Smith
to William Fuller Fiske, March 12,
1868--Comments on the
tensions in her household in part caused by the
relationship
between a married soldier and one of the female
teachers.
Enclosed is a letter written by one of the students.
Jane
Briggs Smith to
William Fuller Fiske, April 15, 1868--Criticizes the
suffragette
newspaper, The Revolution, reports she is still
not
speaking with her housemates, and writes with
anticipation of
her students' Mayday festivities, which she hopes will
be "a
feast of reason and a flow of soul."
Jane
Briggs Smith
to William Fuller Fiske, May 22, 1868--"This
week
I organized my oldest boys--a dozen young fellows of
eighteen
or nineteen years--into a society for debating,
declaiming,
and any other useful exercise. I assure you it has
added six
inches to their height, and they have become suddenly
invested
with the dignity and gravity of American
citizens."
Jane Briggs
Smith to William Fuller Fiske, July 3,
1868--Tells
story of mocking birds who poison their young if caged
"preferring
for them death to slavery" and wonders "if
the unhappy
slave mother sometimes took pattern by the
sweet-voiced freedom-loving
mothers around her?" Also talks about the
attachment
of the freed people to their first teachers.
Jane
Briggs Smith
to William Fuller Fiske, November 8,
1868--Describes a
quiet election day, tells the story of the advice on
voting
a freedman received from his former master, and
attributes
the murders of a white man and a freedman to the
"spirit
of slavery."
Lucy Chase,
1869?--Comments
of the loyalty of the African-Americans to their white
friends
but expresses concern over drinking among the
freedmen. Most
poignant in this letter is the tragic story of Laura
Spicer
and her husband. Separated by slavery, they met again
after
the war but could not reunite because the husband had
another
wife who needed his support. The man begs for
clippings of
his children's hair and gives vent to his grief,
writing:
"My dear, the Lord know both of our hearts. You
know
it never was our wishes to be separated from each
other, and
it never was our fault."
Lucy
Chase to Anna Lowell,
Lake City, Florida, January 14, 1869--Describes
the children's
selection of their Christmas gifts in a way that
suggests
the value they place on education and culture.
"In several
instances we noticed a good deal of hesitation in
trying to
decide between a toy and a book. 'But I want the book
most,'
two or three said, and went away, looking far more
satisfied
for the struggle. One girl from the country chose a
sack,
but laid it down again as soon as she saw a 'reading
book.'"
Jane
Briggs Smith
to William Fuller Fiske, April 11, 1869--Describes
the
"music cards" she uses to teach songs and
the brown
bread she baked as a New England treat. Also comments:
"My
friend Mr. Whittemore is on the Reconstruction
committee in
the House of Representatives. It is a bitter pill for
the
unrepentant rebels, who know they have no favor to
hope from
him. He is not to be bullied or bought."
Jane
Briggs Smith
to William Fuller Fiske, May 30, 1869--Mentions
the
new church bells (several earlier ones having been
melted
in the war "to uphold a cause whose strongest
supporter
has always been the church") and reading
The Watchman
and Reflector and The Atlantic.
Jane
Briggs Smith
to William Fuller Fiske, July 4, 1869--Discusses
upcoming
departure from Sumter and her religious beliefs.
[Note:
The excerpt from Theodore Parker she promises to
include
does not seem to be present in the manuscript
collections.]
Jane
Briggs Smith
to William Fuller Fiske, September 19,
1869--Declares
her intention to return to teaching and not to
matter ("never
perhaps"), tells of the "humiliation"
she
feels when people tell her she is doing good work,
confides
that she longs for "annihilation," and
asserts
that Garrison is one of the few people who match up
to her
vision of a hero.
Anna Lowell to
Lucy Chase, April,
1870--Complies with a request from Lucy that her
letters
be returned so that she could employ them as notes
when
preparing lectures to deliver in Europe and thanks
Lucy
for her work and letters.
Henry
Dickinson to Sarah Lucy
Chase, New York, New York, May 3, 1870--In
response
to a request from Lucy that her letters be returned
so that
they can be used as raw material for lectures in
Europe,
Dickinson explains that the correspondence has been
"packed
away" in the archives. He suggests as an
alternative
that Lucy "draw upon that deep and well filled
well
of . . . memories which must be stored very largely
with
many stories of very thrilling interest" and
expresses
the hope that in their future lives
"reminiscences
of past 'labours in concert' may sometimes come
before us
and stimulate to future calls to duty".
Jane
Briggs Smith
to William Fuller Fiske, January 23,
1871--Expresses
her delight in her living situation, mentions her
missionary
work, discusses religious reading and philosophies,
and
once again shares her sense of failure and her fear
that
she is "not worthy to work for God."
Martha H.
Chace to Lucy and
Sarah Chase, May 24, 1872--A relative who had
once taught
with Lucy and Sarah in Norfolk reports on the
whereabouts
and activities of other former freedmen's teachers,
tells
of a former student who was soon to graduate from
Howard,
asks for news of other "colored friends in
Norfolk,"
and expresses her own wish that she could someday
unite
with other former colleagues in forming "one
household,
with sympathetic work."
S. C.
Armstrong to Edna Dow
Chaney, Hampton, Virginia, January 19,
1876--Principal
of the Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute
asks whether
Lucy knows of any former freedmen's teachers who
might be
willing to teach at Hampton at their own expense,
indicating
that "unless this can be done several hundred
(about
500) children will, after five months schooling, be
turned
loose for seven months, and lose much of what they
have
gained." (See related letter of Edna Dow Cheney
to
Lucy and Sarah Chase, February 7, 1876 below.)
Note: Most of the pieces below were probably written
as assignments in freedmen's schools or as letters to freedmen's teachers
Lucy and Sarah Chase from their former students.
Emma Colt,
1864--A piece of writing by a student in a freedmen's school, probably
written as an assignment, describing what her life had been like under
slavery.
Joseph Green,
1865--A student sends his love to his former teacher and asks for a
letter.
Charlotte
Ann Jackson, 1865--Recollections of life as a slave and descriptions
of the stories told by southerners to make yankees seem terrifying.
Georgeanne
Cook, 1866--A letter, probably from a freedwoman, sent to a teacher to
request aid for a woman with five children.
Solomon
Green, 1867?--A letter that seems to be offering an apology to a
freedmen's teacher.
Elias T.
Jefferson, 1867--Recollects " those Pleasant Evening that was
so kindly Devoted to our improvement" and describes his intention to
join Julia Rutledge in establishing a literary society. Jefferson and
other students are also mentioned in the Oct 4th, 1868 letter of Julia
Rutledge; it is clear that a number of former students of the same
freedmen's schools all later attended the Virginia Normal School.
Washington
J. Smith, March 9,
1868--A letter describing his studies and aspirations
written by a student of Jane Briggs Smith sent to Smith's future husband
as a specimen
of student writing.
David Barr to
Sarah Chase,
1868--A letter outlining his studies, referring
to"the death of Mr. Ashburn" (a political organizer murdered by
the KKK), and mentioning the fact that his city (Columbus Georgia)
"is now under military law."
Julia A.
Rutledge, Oct 4th, 1868--A former student describes her studies at the
Virginia Normal School. She mentions that twelve other students of her
former class at the freedmen's schools are also at the same institution.
Jordan
Johnson, 1869--Reminds his former teacher of how she used to tease him
and reports the death of another former student.
Celia Coonts,
1870?-- The parent of two students in a freedmen's school instructs
teacher Lucy Chase to punish them if they don't obey says her
instructions.
Matilda Hill,
1870?--A student sends her family's regards to her former teacher.
S. L. Rafe,
probably
1870 -- An adult in Florida reports on conditions there
after
the war. Topics range from recent marriages and library use
to the
violence inflicted by the Ku Klux Klan. In a letter written
on April
24, 1870, Martha L B Goddard writes to Sarah Chase--who was
about
to depart with her sister, Lucy, for an extended trip to
Europe:
"As soon as I am able, I think by Tuesday certainly, or
perhaps
tomorrow. I will go to Hovey's & inquire about the
purchases
for Mrs. Rafe; & will invest your money in small wares,
&
see that the package (with yours) goes to her."
Thomas Fry,
1870--Says he is studying from Lydia Child's Freedmen's Book
and sends the love of all his classmates.
Moses Hume, 1870--Thanks his
former teacher for her letter and former help and declares: " I did
not Appreciate untill now that you was so good & I am determined to
learn all I can."
Abraham Rose, 1870--Thanks
her former teacher for a present, says that she has heard of the fall of
Richmond, and tells of her school's fishing party.
Militia Act of 1792--Specified
that the militia was to be composed of "free, able-bodied white male
citizen(s) between the ages of eighteen and forty-five."
"A Slaveholder's
Letter," clipping (probably from a Northampton, MA
newspapers),
1850, regarding former slave, John Andrew Jackson, who was
attempting
to raise funds so he could purchase the freedom of his wife
and
child. The article reprints a letter, purportedly from a
friend
of Jackson's former owner, defending the slave system.
To Lucy Chase Regarding
John (Andrew) Jackson, March 29, 1850--John (Andrew)
Jackson
was a fugitive slave who had taken up residence in Salem, MA
and
was traveling through the area collecting money in the hopes
of
redeeming his wife and child. Jackson eventually used the
money
to purchase the freedom of his parents, after the man who
"owned"
Jackson's wife and child refused to sell them. Jackson later
wrote
the story of his life as a slave, served as a freedmen's
teacher,
and toured as a lecturer to raise funds to build a school in
South-Carolina
for African-Americans.
R. B. Spring to Lucy
or Sarah Chase, March
7, 1860--Describes petitions and other unsuccessful attempts
to
have the sentences of Dwight Stevens commuted. Stevens had
been
convicted to taking part in John Brown's raid on Harper's
Ferry.
"The Wisdom of
Forbearance; or, the Present Phase of Affairs,"Frank
Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, Feb. 2, 1861,
162.--Calls for
reconciliation rather than split between north and south,
arguing
that "The destruction of our Union, merely to rescue a
runaway
nigger, would be as absurd as the Chinaman who set fire to
his house
merely to roast a little pig."
"The Beginning of
the End," Harper's Weekly, September 14,
1861,
578.--A commentary celebrating General Freemont's
proclamation declaring
martial law and emancipating the slaves in Missouri,
concluding
that one "important result of General Fremont's
proclamation
has been the discovery of the fact that the people of the
North
are much more solidly united on the question of slavery than
was
imagined."
"Congress, April 7,"
New York Illustrated News,
April 19, 1862, 370--About the adoption of a program of
compensated emancipation in the District of Columbia
"Important
Proclamation by the President,"Frank Leslie's
Illustrated
Newspaper, June 7, 1862, 145--Commentary on Lincoln's
decision
to overturn General Hunter's order emancipating slaves in
Georgia
Florida, and South Carolina.
Second
Confiscation Act, July 17, 1862--This act guaranteed that any slave
who escaped to Union lines or was captured by the Union army would be
granted freedom--if that slave belonged to a rebel.
Horace Greeley, "A Prayer
for Twenty Millions,"New York Tribune,
August 20,
1862--Upset with Lincoln's response to the emancipation
efforts
of Generals Fremont and Hunter, Greeley uses his editorial
to insist
on the enforcement of the Confiscation Acts, arguing "
that
every hour of deference to Slavery is an hour of added and
deepened
peril to the Union."
Abraham
Lincoln, "Emancipation
or Preservation of the Union?"The New York
Times,
August 25, 1862--In response to Greeley's "Prayer for
Twenty
Millions" arguing for emancipation, Lincoln assets:
"My
paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and
is not
either to save or to destroy slavery.
"The President's
Policy,"Harper's Weekly,
September 13, 1862, 578-579--A commentary on the
Lincoln-Greeley
exchange.
"What
Our Fathers Did,"Frank Leslie's Illustrated
Newspaper,
September 20, 1862, 403--Asks "Why are negroes exempt
from
the burthens of the war?" and calls for use of
African-Americans
in the military, citing precedents from American
history.
Lucy
Chase, "The Reign
of Terror in Norfolk," Norfolk, Va., June 25,
1865--A Lucy
Chase signed "A Contraband," reporting on mob
violence
perpetrated by Union troops against African-Americans.
Published
in The Tribune and The Commonwealth.
New England Freedmen's Aid
Society, "Circular,"
Oct. 20, 1865--Announces that the New England Freedmen's Aid
Society had merged with several other organizations to form the Freedmen's
Aid Commission.
"Domestic Relations of
the
Freedmen,"The National Freedman. A Monthly
Journal
Devoted to the Promotion of Freedom, Industry, Education,
and Christian
Morality in the South. May, 1866, 143-145
Excerpt from
"At Home and Abroad,"
The American Freedman, May 1866, 22-23--Letters
from "well-known
and highly authoritative sources" expressing approval
of the
organization's commitment to aiding both freedmen and
southern whites.
Excerpt from The
Freedmen's Record, April, 1869, 43-51--Includes a
report
on books needed for libraries of Freedmen's schools and for
Christmas
boxes as well as a detailed discussion of teaching methods
used
in the schools.